Abujhmad: The Last Frontier — Why water turned hostile to its fishes
Authored by-
- Karowng Haopu, Commandant, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF)
- Manir Khan, Assistant Commandant, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF)
Monday, 24 November 2025
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Authored by-
Introduction
Although it has been more than six months since Operation Sindoor came to a halt on 10th of May, 2025, it continues to make headlines on news channels and social media — driven by the repeated, audacious claims of U.S. President Donald Trump of brokering a ceasefire between two countries. But amidst the headlines of Ops Sindhoor and the numerous reports of skirmishes between Israel and Iran, Russia and Ukraine, and Azerbaijan and Armenia, we in India seem to be missing one of the most historic developments related to internal security unfolding in the very heartland of our country. It began with a photograph — an image that carried far deeper significance than what met the eye.
On 15 October 2025, a group of 140 armed Maoists, their fatigues soaked and rifles slung across their shoulders, were seen wading through the Indravati River, the natural artery that cuts through Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region. The image, captured by Ganesh Mishra, a local photojournalist from Bijapur district, went viral in WhatsApp groups of security forces and journalists covering the Red Zone within hours. At first glance, it looked like just another scene from India’s longest-running internal conflict —Naxals moving through the jungle, perhaps shifting base, planning an ambush, or evading an operation.
But this time, the picture told a different story. These naxals in olive and black dungarees weren’t retreating deeper into the forest, they were crossing over to surrender. Within hours, officials confirmed that the photograph marked the largest voluntary surrender in the history of the Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) movement. A group of 140 Naxals, led by Rupesh, the North Western Sub Zonal Incharge and Intelligence chief of Military wing, all of them belong to the Abujh Maad area, had laid down arms. To those familiar with the Naxal movement, especially in Bastar, this surrender symbolised a major turning point. Those who have served in Naxal-affected areas understand the symbolic and strategic importance of the Indravati River and the region across it — Abujhmad.
“Every frame of that picture,” said a senior journalist from Bijapur who has been covering Naxals since 2010, “carried the weight of fifty years of conflict. It wasn’t just the rebels crossing a river - it was history crossing into hope.”
A group of men and women from the naxal ranks in Abujhmaad region on the move to surrender their arms
Photo Source: Ganesh Mishra, Photojournalist from Bijapur
Author(s)
Shri Karowng Haopu is currently serving as a Commandant with the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) having extensive operational experience in counter-insurgency and internal security management.
Shri Manir Khan is currently serving as an Assistant Commandant with the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) having extensive operational experience in counter-insurgency and internal security management.
Abujhmad: Fortress, Myth and Reality
Before 2025 most surrenders were often due to personal reasons of Naxal cadres, such as deteriorating health, ideological differences within cadres or with leadership (especially rifts between the Telugu higher leadership and tribal Naxal commanders), or even the desire to marry a fellow cadre. Although the Naxal leadership later began allowing marriages within the movement — even facilitating couples to serve in the same division or area committee, however these were personal choices rather than ideological differences. But, the surrenders witnessed in 2025, especially after the death of Nambala Keshav Raju alias Basavaraju, marked a new phase as surrenders are now not driven by personal reasons but by a collective acknowledgment of the changed ideological and operational scenario, tightening of grips by security forces. They came not from fatigue or factionalism, but from acceptance — a realisation that the ideological and operational ground beneath them had shifted irreversibly.
The death of Basavaraju along with 27 other naxals on 21/05/2025, who was known to the security establishment as the “brain and backbone” of the Naxal military machine changed was a turning point. For people who are not deeply aware of the Naxal organisation, Basavaraju, the General Secretary, is the supreme leader of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) (CPI(Maoist)), heading its Central Committee and Politburo. He is responsible for setting the organisation’s overarching political and military strategy — but he was much more than a General Secretary.
Before being elevated as General Secretary in 2018, following the resignation of Mupalla Laxman Rao alias Ganapathi due to illness, Basavaraju had served as his deputy and headed the military wing of the Naxal i.e. the Central Military Commission thus effectively making him their highest military general. His death was more than the elimination of a leader, it was the collapse of a doctrine. For thirty years, every major Naxal attack in India, from Dantewada to Jharkhand, bore his signature. The killing of Basavaraju showed that after decades of bloodshed, Abujhmad, the once-impenetrable “forbidden land” had begun to open itself. Spanning nearly 4,000 sq km across Narayanpur, Bijapur, and Dantewada districts in Chhattisgarh and touching Gadchiroli in Maharashtra, Abujhmad has always been more legend than geography. Even the British failed to survey it completely.
For the Maoist movement, it was not just a territory, it was myth, fortress, and sanctuary. For years, Abujhmad was the Republic of Red, a parallel world where state had no authority but insurgent had. When ever there were reports of Naxal violence, IED Blasts or Encounters, the names that usually made headlines were Bijapur, Sukma, or Dantewada. These districts were the visible frontline of the fighting, where gun-fire echoed through the forests, and where the casualties were counted. But behind those battles, orchestrating every strike and strategy, were the highest leaders of the Maoist sheltered deep within the impenetrable jungles of Abujhmad. It was there that the movement’s leadership lived, planned, and directed operations across Central India, shielded by both geography and decades of fear that had kept outsiders at bay.
The Surrender & Shift
However, recent joint operations of CRPF, CoBRA, DRG, STF and CG Police in this fort prompted the Central Regional Bureau Secretary and spokesperson, M. Venugopal Rao aka Bhupati aka Sonu, to express his willingness to surrender through a letter, with his nome-de-guerre, Abhay. It was widely believed that the tightening grip of the security grid would eventually force the Maoists to dismantle their strongholds, no one expected such a breakthrough to occur so soon and certainly not through the surrender of Bhupati along with his whole Dalam.
For years, the very idea of a top Naxal leader surrendering was considered an improbable dream. The whereabouts of Politburo and Central Committee members were shrouded in secrecy, and even the most sophisticated intelligence networks had little to no clue about their precise locations. To put the magnitude of the challenge into perspective, in 2020, when we apprehended one female guard of Bhupathi during a joint operation with Bijapur Police, a senior officer remarked while congratulating us: “Everyone knows Bhupathi lives in Maad (Abhuj Maad), but in which part of these 40,000 square kilometres—no one knows.”
That statement summed up the enormity of the task before the security forces, a battle not just against armed insurgents, but against terrain, secrecy, and decades of deep-rooted ideology. Hence, when Venugopal Rao, before his surrender, released a letter as Abhay to the Government of India calling for dialogue and suspension of operations, there was scepticism in security forces. IGP Naxal P. Sundararaj, who has taken this long drawn fight across the river Indravati, told that they are checking the veracity of this letter as on the ground, trust was scarce.
Today, even its own defenders have recognised that guns can no longer be the language of justice. In a democracy, there is no room for armed struggle — only space for ideas, dialogue, and dissent. This new acceptance, emerging from the deepest corners of Bastar, is a sign that India’s democracy is being embraced by those who once rejected it. When Maoist leader Rupesh declared while surrendering, “We have surrendered, but we have not stopped fighting for the people,” his words marked a profound shift in ideology. For the first time, a senior cadre spoke of continuing the struggle within the framework of peace, not violence. His statement was welcomed even within the security establishment. “No security force has ever stopped anyone from protesting or raising their voice within the framework of constitution and law,” said a senior Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) officer posted in Bastar. “We only oppose the gun. Every citizen has the right to demand justice — that is the essence of democracy.”
A group of men and women from the naxal ranks crossing the Indravati river while being on the move to surrender their arms
Photo Source: Ganesh Mishra, Photojournalist from Bijapur
From People’s War to People’s Hope
Many of those who had once sympathised with the Maoist cause believed the insurgency was a fight for the tribals-against displacement, exploitation, and the ignorance by the state. That belief was not entirely misplaced. Even among security personnel, there is quiet acknowledgment that the movement began from genuine anger — a rebellion born out of neglect and broken promises. “Yes, they started fighting for the tribals,” admitted one officer, “and that is something every CRPF and State Police officer on the ground understands.”
But over the years, the movement lost its moral compass. What began as a people’s struggle for Jal, Jungle, and Zameen (Water, Forest, and Land) devolved into an ideology trapped in time. The world around it changed — roads reached the remotest hamlets, schools opened, health centres began to function, and local youth started dreaming of education, not enlisting in a dalam. The methods that might have seemed justified in the late 1990s or early 2000s no longer hold legitimacy in 2025. The new generation of Bastar’s tribal youth is tired — not of poverty, but of violence. They crave opportunities, not arms. They want roads that connect them to cities, colleges that prepare them for the future, and a sense of peace that allows them to live without fear.
Many have grown up seeing more funerals than festivals. They have seen their parents flee villages at night, their brothers disappear into forests, and their sisters forced into movements they never understood. While their fellows of same age group from other parts of central India are busy making reels with their sports bikes, glazing mobiles, funky hairstyles but they are forced to perfom the sentry duties for naxals. For them, the dream of revolution turned into a nightmare. Yet, the road is still not clear. Though peace is not yet achieved however, it is now achievable, and within reach. The only hurdle now is a few stubborn factions of Naxals who fail to understand the new reality. Some faction, mainly operating in South Bastar, and Telangana were quick to declare that the letter written by Bhupati, was his personal stand not that of the party. They branded him a traitor and a coward, a long-standing tactic often adopted by the Naxals to bully or silence anyone who dares to raise a differing opinion or suggests exploring the path of dialogue.
The Iron Fist and the Local Heart: How the Forces Are Reclaiming Liberated Zones
The road to peace in Red Corridor of Chattisgarh has also been paved by the unrelenting efforts of India’s security forces who are operating in some of the most treacherous terrains in the country. Over time, a powerful synergy between the CRPF, its elite Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA), the state-raised District Reserve Guard (DRG), and the Chhattisgarh Police has emerged as the backbone of counter-insurgency in the region.
CRPF: The Spearhead
The CRPF has been leeding anti-Naxal operations since the early 2000s, serving as the main striking force in conflict-ridden zones. Its battalions are engaged in fierce gun battles with naxals in the jungles of Chattisgarh, orisa, Jharkhand, Maharashtra and other affected parts. With battalions permanently deployed in core areas, the Force has not only conducted operations but also ensured area domination, road security, and the protection of vital installations. Apart from the continuous operations, force has successful in building trust with locals through initiatives like organising health camps, sports events, and infrastructure support under the aegis of its Civic Action Programmes (CAPs) that strengthen the bond between security personnel and villagers who once viewed them with suspicion. Hence an entire generation of tribals who have seen only Comrades during their whole lives, have tasted the governance only in the form of the CRPF. For every distress calls, nearest CRPF Camps are the single window centres for them-be it seeking first aid, rushing a pregnant lady to a distant hospital, saving a snake bitten kid, evacuating a young tribal who have lost his limb to the IED blast planted by Naxals.
CoBRA: The Silent Shadows
In 2009, when MHA sanctioned the 10 Battalions of CoBRA, It has proved its mettle multiple times during the fire battles with naxals. Having specialised training in jungle warfare and guerrilla tactics, CoBRA commandoes are adept at deep-penetration, intelligence-based strikes. Operating with stealth and precision, these commandos have neutralised top Naxal cadres, busted major camps, and seized large caches of arms and explosives in Sukma, Bijapur, Dantewada, and South Bastar. Their swift and surgical operations often in coordination with DRG and State Police have broken the command structure of several Maoist units.
DRG: The Game-Changer from Within
The District Reserve Guard (DRG) has proven to be the most innovative weapon in Chhattisgarh’s anti-Naxal strategy. Composed mainly of surrendered Maoists and local tribal youth, the DRG understands the terrain, dialect, and mindset of the naxals better than anyone else. Their deep local knowledge and agility make them invaluable in ambush detection and intelligence gathering. Working hand in hand with CRPF and CoBRA, the DRG has delivered some of the most decisive blows to Naxal ranks turning the fight into one where Bastar’s own people are reclaiming their land from those who once claimed to fight for them. For decades, Naxal leaders often compared themselves to fish swimming in the waters of Bastar’s villages meaning sustained and protected by local support. “As long as the water is with it, no one can catch the fish,” was a common saying in their speeches. But the tide has now turned. The same villagers who once offered shelter and silence are today providing precise intelligence to the security forces, but also offering their services for DRG and Bastariya Battalion, an all exclusive battalion raised by CRPF comprising of local tribal youth from Chattisgarh. Each successful operation and the recent neutralisation of top Naxal leaders reflect a deeper truth that the water has turned hostile, perhaps poisonous, for its fish. The people of Bastar are no longer the shield of the insurgency; they have become the eyes and ears of peace.
State Police: The Anchor of Coordination
The Chhattisgarh Police, under which the DRG operates, serves as the coordinating core of all counter-insurgency operations. State Police leadership are closely coordinating and monitoring the joint operations by working closely with central armed police forces. It is widely believed that the synergy between the State Police and the Central Armed Police Forces in Chhattisgarh is among the finest in the country. This close coordination, built on mutual trust, timely intelligence sharing, and joint operational planning has significantly enhanced the effectiveness of counter-insurgency operations in the region.
Turning the Tide
Today, the joint efforts of CRPF, CoBRA, DRG, and State Police have pushed the Maoists into a shrinking corner mainly deep inside South Bastar and parts of Sukma-Bijapur. This combined strategy the central strength of CRPF and CoBRA, the local insight of DRG, and the coordinating command of the State Police has fundamentally changed the ground reality. The transformation is not just military; it is social and psychological.
Villages that once sheltered Maoists are now demanding schools, healthcare, and development. The guns are being replaced by government schemes, and fear is slowly giving way to hope. The long and painful battle against Left-Wing Extremism is now entering its most decisive phase. For the first time, peace is not a distant dream — it is a visible horizon. With the Hon’ble Prime Minister and the Union Home Minister reiterating their firm commitment to eradicate Naxalism from the country by March 2026, the fight has gained renewed momentum and national resolve. The combined determination of the forces on the ground, strengthened by the will and cooperation of the people of Bastar, may finally turn that long-cherished dream into a lasting reality.
Surrender ceremony organised for the naxal ranks by the security forces
Photo Source: Ganesh Mishra, Photojournalist from Bijapur
Conclusion: From Rebellion to Rebuilding
The surrender at Abujhmad is not just a tactical victory, it is an ideological home-coming. It signifies the gradual reclaiming of India’s forgotten heartlands, not through force, but through sheer grit & determination of forces, faith in dialogue, development, and democracy. The challenge now lies not in celebrating the fall of the gun, but in ensuring that those who laid it down find dignity in peace. Rehabilitation, education, and genuine tribal empowerment must replace fear, suspicion, and neglect. If Bastar’s story of rebellion is finally giving way to a story of rebuilding, then it is not merely a victory for the security forces it is a triumph of the Indian Constitution itself. The river Indravati, once seen as the boundary between the state and the insurgent, has now become the bridge from despair to hope, from red to green, and from silence to song.
Views expressed are of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Centre for Internal Security Analyses, Central Reserve Police Force, Ministry of Home Affairs or any of the stakeholders associated with it. Readers discretion is strongly advised.
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